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18h37 UTC; TUESDAY, 6 MARCH 2012: Make no mistake about it: The Oxycontin Boar (t/n Rush Limbaugh) is headed for a major crash-and-burn which, when all is said and done, is about to become his own destruction thanks to l'affaire Sandra Fluke and its social-media-powered byproducts of public outrage. Consider:
  • To date, no less than 20 advertisers (national and local) have pulled advertising from Rush Limbaugh in response to online pressure campaigns. (For his part, Meneer Limbaugh claimed on Monday's show that the advertisers in question "profited from YOU!", as if insisting that ekonomesie vryheid met Amerikaanse eienskappe "gebore ons die Volk, die Volk te doen" was integral to, and interlocking with, AmeriKKKan National and Sovereign Identity as a Peculiar Among the Nations.)
  • Stations in Hilo, HI and Pittsfield, MA have dropped Rush Limbaugh from their programming; more may be likely, howbeit in smaller, lower-income, economically-disadvantaged markets within measurable distance (so long as pressure is applied to stations so carrying).
  • Sandra Fluke "herself," refusing to accept Meneer Limbaugh's Appy Polly Loggy as insincere and off-topic, is being urged to file charges against Meneer Limbaugh for slander and defamation; to the moment, no word on whether such will be likely.
  • Cenk Uygur of Current TV's The Young Turks has offered The Oxycontin Boar a "friendly wager" for $10,000 to challenge his oft-repeated on-air claim that his show attracts on average 20 million listeners a week from Mt. Katahdin to Mauna Loa (which may be rather difficult to substantiate, what with many stations in major markets starting to drop conservative talkback radio generally because of low ratings incompatible with preferred advertiser demographics; in San Francisco, in fact, the local NPR station's ratings are higher than that of Rush Limbaugh's Bay Area affiliate.)

Latest Tasteless Conservative Prolefeed Conspiracy (which, inevitably, is lacking credible evidence beyond forgeries of the "Hitler Diaries" stylee): Alex Jones was boasting on Coast to Coast AM on the overnight that he had "proof" that President Obama ordered Andrew Breitbart killed off ahead of his exposing supposed "evidence" interconnecting President Obama's agenda to "Communist agitation" were it not for Breitbart's sudden demise.

Perhaps it was time to start calling out Coast to Coast AM's advertisers for supporting such lurid and absurd claims in the same stylee as the ongoing campaigns against Rush Limbaugh; hence, what stands in the way?


Getting back to The Oxycontin Boar's sneering taunt at those advertisers as have left his show, hoping to shame the listeners as well: Is it any wonder that conservative articles of faith are as hard-wired as they are in insisting that ekonomesie vryheid, &c., alone will "empower the 'REAL AmeriKKKan' all the more" by way of what may be flawed equivalence between said ekonomesie vryheid and AmeriKKKan National and Sovereign Identity?

Which, come to think of it, may be of Afrikaner nationalist derivation, though its AmeriKKKan Zealots and True Believers don't want you to know about it. For starters, consider these remarks from the 1922 Chairman's Report at Afrikaner life-insurer Sanlam (motto: "Born out of the Volk to serve the Volk"), quoted in Issue #22 of the ANC journal Umrabulo (First Quarter, 2005) and, ultimately, via Dan O'Meara, who is well-versed in the history of Afrikaner socioeconomic thought both before and during apartheid's Luscious Glory:
Sanlam is an authentic institution of the Afrikaner volk in the widest sense of the word.

As an Afrikaner, you will naturally give preference to an Afrikaner institution. I would just remind policy holders that we are busy furnishing employment to young Afrikaners, and training them in the assurance field. We hereby intend to provide a great service to South Africa. If we want to become economically self-reliant then we must support our own institutions. To this end, Sanlam offers you the opportunity.
Which would be further elaborated on in the remarks of one L. J. duPlessis before the 1939 Ekonomesie Volkskongres in Bloemfontein convened by the Afrikaner Broederbond to advance Volkskapitalisme as the preferred tool of Afrikaner socioeconomic empowerment, rooted as it was in a Calvinist-influenced mindset suggesting that the Afrikaner Volk, as Good Christians, were too proud to beg or otherwise seek charity; with these words, Broer duPlessis sought to explain "The Purpose of Our Economic Struggle," as it was entitled:
[In the past] we also accepted that the masses who were unable quickly and easily to adapt to capitalism would sink into poor whiteism. Sympathetically we belittled them and distanced ourselves from them, at best philanthropically offering them "alms" or poor relief from the state. And meanwhile this process of adjustment was destroying our volk by denationalising its economic leaders and proletarianising its producing masses. But, in the awakening of national consciousness, the volk has perceived this too, and the new national economic movement sets for itself the goal of reversing this process; no longer to tolerate the destruction of the Afrikaner volk in an attempt to adopt to a foreign capitalist system, but to mobilise the volk to capture this foreign system and adapt it to our national character.
(Put another way, having ekonomesie vryheid, &c., not so much create wealth for the Producers as to promote Class Consciousness through Ethno-National Unity and Identity, and appeals thereto. Mr. O'Meara elaborates further on the aims of this Noble Experiment):
Professor CGW Schumann introduced the Sanlam proposals to the kongres. In sharp contrast to du Plessis' keynote address, and the concerns of many of the delegates with the poverty of "poor whites", he bluntly stated that in the past too much attention had been paid to "this unhealthy section".

Rather than concern itself with "poor whites" the kongres should aim to "help the Afrikaner become an entrepreneur, an employer and an owner of capital". This could only be achieved by mobilising the "capital resources" of the volk. There were two potential sources of such capital. Firstly, Afrikaner consumers controlled an annual buying power of £100m. Secondly, and more importantly, "the farming community clearly forms the most financially strong section of the volk. They should become the source of capital for Afrikaner business in commerce and industry etc". This would also benefit farmers, as it would provide for the diversification of agricultural capital into other sectors of capital accumulation.

Schumann was immediately followed by [Dr. E.] Dsnges who argued that so many Afrikaans speakers lived in poverty because "Afrikaner capital power is not being purposively mobilised nor productively employed with the aim of giving the Afrikaner that place in commercial life to which he is legitimately entitled". Existing Afrikaner financial institutions were designed and developed "purely to provide for the long term capital requirements of the Afrikaner agriculturalist", and were unsuitable for investment in industry and commerce. Any attempt to mobilise "Afrikaner capital" for investment in such fields faced both the "psychological preference of the Afrikaner to invest in tangibles, land, houses etc" and a lack of suitable investment channels.

The proposed finance company would provide the appropriate channel for the investment of such capital. This would ensure "the Afrikaner his legitimate place in the economy". Dsnges was also very clear on just what the "legitimate" place was. The aim was to develop a group of Afrikaner capitalists: "not just to Afrikanerise commerce and industry to a greater extent, also not only to attract more Afrikaners as workers in commerce and industry, but to increase by ten-fold the number of Afrikaners employers in commerce and industry". To ensure the successful functioning of the finance company it should have a management both "in full agreement with our aims", and "experienced in investment and [which] has made its mark in commercial and economic fields". Only Sanlam fulfilled the requirements.

[M.S.] Louw's speech showed how this ten-fold increase in the number of Afrikaner capitalists could be achieved by drawing together the capital of farmers and the small savings of Afrikaner workers and petty bourgeoisie in a great alliance: "The finance company will stand in the forefront of the forthcoming struggle of the Afrikaner to find his legitimate share in the commerce and industry of our country. It will mesh together the farmer, the investor, the consumer and the employee on the one side, and the retailer, wholesaler, manufacturer and credit establishment on the other."

Each section would benefit in this great service to the volk: "For the investor it will create the opportunity to use his capital in the interests of this Afrikaner concern whilst drawing profit from his investment. The Afrikaner farmer will find Afrikaners to process and distribute products. Opportunities will be created for the practical training and employment of Afrikaner boys and girls in commercial and industrial undertakings where they can occupy the highest posts."
And it will be interesting to discern possible parallels to GOP/"Tea Party" socioeconomic articles of faith in Indecision 2012 as the campaign wears on, especially such which, on closer examination and "reading between the lines," excuses further concentration of wealth under the banner of defending ekonomesie vryheid, &c.


As you may have heard by now, several major American banking-houses, led by Bank of America, are preparing to invoke "new Federal banking laws" as cover for mandating new and potentially whimsical "account service fees" seeking to steer especially lower-income, socioeconomically-disadvantaged and off-Teh-Innerwebz accountholders into online or mobile banking models, Direct Deposit of pay and benefits, automatic bill payment, &c., with an eye to possible fee reductions or waivers in so adopting (as if past public outcry against a $5/month debit-card subscription wasn't exactly lesson and warning enough).

Which should be enough of a "wakey-wakey" to push for the likes of:
  • having the Postal Service, in its desire for new revenue streams and business models to better serve clients, launch a "social banking" service through local Post Offices (especially in lower-income and rural areas otherwise likely to lose banking access) as would offer banking and funds-transfer services in a "social service" sort of manner;
  • establishing more "mutual banks" (as it were) as would be a hybrid of the Massachusetts cooperative-bank model (out in The Bay State, "cooperative bank" is their preferred term for a building society as opposed to a mutual savings bank) and the credit union/caisse populaire such, but open to all comers (Volkskas, for years an Afrikaner financial bastion down South Africa way, was originally founded along mutual lines in 1934 but was later demutualised); and/or
  • to further socioeconomic empowerment in the Lower Socioeconomic Classes according to mutual self-help models, encouraging the establishment of thrift and credit societies in the vein of the Korean kie/kyu and the South African Stokvel societies using the deposits of members to make loans among its fellow-members.
So what otherwise intervenes for undertaking serious investigative action towards such ends?

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